News

Wednesday 2026-05-20

02:00 PM

Bill Cassidy Loses Primary; RFK Jr. Will Be His Legacy [Techdirt]

Senator Bill Cassidy just lost his campaign for reelection to his Senate seat in Louisiana. With that, his career in federal government is likely over. It’s no secret as to why this happened. In early 2021, Cassidy suffered from a spasm of patriotism and voted to convict Donald Trump during his impeachment trial after the latter spurred on an attempted insurrection in the capitol that left several people dead, scores injured, and became the most famous stain on American democracy since the Bill Clinton era. Trump turned his retribution cannons on Cassidy, pumped the primary cycle full of vitriol for Cassidy, and managed to shove him from office.

But here’s the thing: fuck Bill Cassidy.

In the years since Trump’s second impeachment trial, Cassidy did his absolute best to throw as much unrequited love at Donald Trump as he possibly could. The moment the political realities became evident, Cassidy’s principles melted away. He spoke glowingly of Trump in his second term. He touted how well he and Trump work together, even as he acknowledged that Trump hates him. He was a reliable pro-Trump vote on nearly everything.

And he was the most important vote in confirming RFK Jr. to his current role as Secretary of HHS. And given how his vote to confirm Kennedy gave his colleagues cover to do so means that he may be the man most singularly responsible for Kennedy’s appointment other than Donald Trump.

Bill Cassidy is more at fault, because he actually knows better. RFK Jr. is an idiot with a brainworm, whereas Bill Cassidy is a doctor. A real doctor who worked in a charity hospital for the uninsured in Louisiana and, to his own testimony, has seen what happens when children don’t get vaccinated. He knew better, and yet he still provided the deciding vote to confirm Kennedy, almost definitely because he saw it as a way back into Trump’s good graces. Clearly, that didn’t happen.

And while he swore up and down that he had given Kennedy a real good talking-to and got all of the assurances that he would not screw with vaccines or change the CDC’s page stating that vaccines do not cause autism, that did not happen either.

He fucked us all to save his own skin, and ended up bloody and skinless anyway. He claimed it would be okay because of said “assurances” and because of his promise to monitor everything Kennedy did.

Monitor Kennedy he did, perhaps, but it certainly didn’t go beyond that. Save for a few contentious congressional hearings and Cassidy occasionally complaining to local news media about Kennedy’s actions at HHS, the man simply didn’t do anything to try to fix the mess he had a heavy hand in creating. He didn’t sign up to help the impeachment effort against Kennedy. He didn’t call for any new legislation to curb the chaos that is happening at HHS and its child agencies right now. He even had kind words to say about Kennedy’s approach to processed foods in the past few weeks.

Taking a moral stand is not a one-time project. Cassidy’s vote to convict Trump in 2021 was the right vote. Nearly everything he’s done since negates that moral stance, as he engaged in the most pathetic forms of boot-licking in an attempt to save his political career.

It didn’t work. Trump doesn’t work that way. Neither does Kennedy. Once you’re on the enemies hit list, you’re never coming off. The Senate will probably be worse for losing Cassidy generally. The Senate Health Committee certainly will be. And that’s too bad.

But fuck Bill Cassidy for foisting RFK Jr. as HHS boss on this country.

10:00 AM

Even Cops Aren’t Willing To Back Up Colorado GOP Governor Hopeful’s Insane ‘Gang Infestation’ Lies [Techdirt]

As convenient as it is for cops to play along with hysterical claims made by politicians, sometimes a politician goes too far. That seems to be the case here. Scott Bottoms — currently a state rep in Colorado — tried to flex his self-proclaimed “far right” bona fides by making a truly absurd claim about the current state of the state.

Bottoms said Colorado is under siege from a “foreign criminal army” of 45,000 to 50,000 members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua (TdA) operating in Colorado.

When 9NEWS asked Bottoms for evidence of his claim, Bottoms said the information came “from direct conversations with ICE officials about this exact problem in our state.”

Bottoms is fully cooked, it would appear. He’s echoing, amplifying, and exaggerating claims about gang infestations in Colorado that were pushed by Donald Trump during his last election campaign. Those claims were also debunked by local law enforcement officials.

The story hit the national news last year when local media coverage of two robberies and an assault at the complex were amplified by President Trump, who twisted the facts to fuel his campaign for reelection. Trump joined local conservative politicians in spreading the lie of a “complete gang takeover” by Venezuelan immigrants at The Edge apartments – a lie that has been repeatedly debunked by residents and local law enforcement

Having debunked this once, law enforcement officials in the state are now in the irritating position of needing to debunk this anti-migrant hysteria yet again, thanks to Bottoms and his pathetic attempt to rile up the racism of the voting base he needs to secure if he hopes to become governor.

First up in the debunking is none other than law enforcement officials working directly for Donald Trump:

A spokesperson for the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in Denver said its leadership has not had contact with Bottoms.

“HSI Denver and ERO Denver leadership has not met with nor had conversations with Representative Bottoms,” said ICE spokesman Steve Kotecki.

Whoops! That’s got to be pretty awkward for Bottoms, who seemed to assume his willingness to follow Trump down any bigoted rabbit hole would immediately result in his administration supporting his racist assertions about foreign gang infestations.

Bottoms put another hole in his own foot by presuming local law enforcement would back him up if he just made a bunch of shit up and let it dribble out his mouth while standing in front of a live mic. Bottoms claimed — hilariously — that local sheriffs offices were seeking to deputize “special forces veterans” to combat the Tren de Aragua invasion.

In response to Rep. Bottoms’ attempt to turn his Reddit draft folder rant into reality, a majority of the state’s law enforcement refused to endorse the hallucinations of man who thinks making claims that can immediately be debunked will secure him a majority of votes in the upcoming gubernatorial election.

40 sheriffs from across the political spectrum pushed back on Bottoms’ claims, saying they had not seen evidence of widespread Venezuelan gang activity in their county and directly rejecting the idea of deputizing special forces veterans for an anti-cartel action. 

The report says “across the political spectrum,” but two-thirds of the sheriffs quoted are registered as Republicans. It’s probably three-thirds, but the last sheriff quoted has decided to represent himself as “unaffiliated.”

On top of this immediate pushback from local law enforcement officials, there are the actual facts, which make it immediately clear it’s impossible for there to be 50,000 Tren de Aragua gang members residing in Colorado:

MEMBERS
Approximately 2,500 to 5,000

That would be the number of gang members worldwide, according to none other than the Director of National Intelligence. Yep, that’s the same DNI that serves the president who went viral with his claims of TdA takeovers in Aurora, Colorado while on his way to serving a second term. And if an agency pretty much obliged to convert Trump’s bullshit about TdA into facts to justify everything from mass deportations to extrajudicial killings in international waters can’t be bothered to cook the books to this extent, it’s downright embarrassing for a MAGA acolyte like Scott Bottoms to spew easily disproved claims in hopes of scoring a few more far-right votes for himself.

It’s refreshing to see law enforcement provide immediate pushback against bullshit like this. But you can’t blame Bottoms for bottoming out. After all, the man he worships most delivers outrageous lies on a daily basis, yet somehow retains his position and the support of his party.

06:00 AM

Wikimedia Commons picture of the day for May 12 [Wikimedia Commons picture of the day feed]

Picture of the day
Aerial view of the ruins of Takht-i-Bahi, a 1st-century CE Buddhist monastery complex located in what was once the ancient Indian region of Gandhara, in the present-day northern Pakistani province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It is representative of Buddhist monastic architecture from its era and the ruins were listed as a World Heritage Site in 1980, with UNESCO describing it as having been "exceptionally well-preserved".

Wikimedia Commons picture of the day for May 13 [Wikimedia Commons picture of the day feed]

Picture of the day
This azulejo from the Igreja de São Bento (Ribeira Brava, Madeira, Portugal) depicts Our Lady of Fátima. Today is the feast of Our Lady of Fátima in the Catholic Church and the 110th anniversary of her first apparition to three shepherd children.

Wikimedia Commons picture of the day for May 16 [Wikimedia Commons picture of the day feed]

Picture of the day
Partially frozen Gurudongmar Lake, a glacial lake located to the north of the Himalayas in the northeast Indian state of Sikkim at an altitude of over 5,150 metres (16,900 ft). The lake is fed by glaciers of the Khangchengyao massif, forms the headwaters of the Teesta river and is considered sacred by Buddhists and Sikhs. Today is Sikkim Day, which commemorates the formation of Sikkim as a state of India in 1975, following a popular referendum and full merger after decades of being a protectorate since 1947.

The night clerk [Seth Godin's Blog on marketing, tribes and respect]

At 2:30 in the morning, the night clerk at the hotel is a great help if you’ve locked yourself out of your room.

But if you want to complain about the hours of the gym, the hotel’s environmental footprint or even their late check-in policy, you’re almost certainly wasting their time. And yours.

Every organization with more than a few people in it has night clerks. Most of the people who work at the phone company, for example, and even the person clearing tables at the local pizza place.

It’s the night clerks that have the most customer interaction–in fact, they’re almost certainly the highest leveraged, most insightful marketing cohort in your organization.

They have information, and if we give them agency, they could transform the customer experience.

Alas, our systems rarely help. Many night clerks are underpaid and underappreciated, and systems around them push them not to care.

When your organization gets stuck, don’t blame them. Instead, find a way to help them become the contribution they’re capable of being.

Some useful questions you might not be asking:

How much does the information we’re not collecting cost us?

What is the customer service cost and brand dilution of depriving our people the freedom to take action?

If we built a culture of mutual respect with our night clerks–using training, compensation and engagement–what would our new customer experience and reputation be worth?

      

Alito Helped Normalize Unreasoned Shadow Docket Orders. Now He’s Mad About One. [Techdirt]

A couple weeks back, Supreme Court watcher Steve Vladeck pointed out a fascinating “tell” by Justice Samuel Alito in dealing with stays that he will issue on shadow docket requests. If he is prone to agree with the underlying claim, he’ll issue an unbounded stay on a lower court’s ruling. If he is inclined to disagree with the underlying ruling, he issues a temporary stay with a short deadline before the stay is lifted. He noticed this in particular with the stay that Alito issued in response to the Fifth Circuit’s ruling blocking prescriptions of the abortion drug mifepristone without an in-person visit (an attempt to block the pills from being sent to the various Southern states covered by the Fifth Circuit). In that case, Alito had a short deadline before the stay would be lifted, in contrast to how he tends to treat such stays when he agrees with the result:

First, Justice Alito waited almost 48 hours to act—a period during which there was quite a lot of chaos across the country among doctors, pharmacists, and patients over whether and to what extent they were bound by Friday’s Fifth Circuit decision. 48 hours may not seem like a long time, but for comparison, in November, Alito issued an administrative stay in the Texas redistricting case just 68 minutes after Texas’s application for emergency relief was docketed by the Supreme Court (both of which happened after hours on a Friday night).

Second, and speaking of the Texas case, Alito’s administrative stays in the mifepristone case had something that his administrative stay in the Texas case didn’t—a deadline (next Monday at 5 p.m. ET). This follows a much broader pattern—in which Alito issues indefinite administrative stays in cases in which he appears to be sympathetic to the applicants, but imposes deadlines on the stays in cases in which he doesn’t. Before Monday, the last nine administrative stays in which Alito imposed deadlines were all cases in which at least one of the applicants had been the Biden administration. In contrast, Alito imposed no deadline in the Texas redistricting case; a potentially significant non-delegation case from 2024; and several other cases with … less … of an ideological valence.

To be sure, Alito isn’t the only justice to ever put a deadline on an administrative stay; Justices Gorsuch and Jackson have also each done it exactly once. And although the deadlines tend to create unnecessary tension and stress for both the parties and the Supreme Court’s press corps (who worry about what will happen if the deadline comes and goes with no action—which appeared to happen in the Texas SB4 immigration case in March 2024), they’re not especially significant beyond that. But it certainly seems like a petty way to treat parties differently based upon what you think of their claims.

Then, despite that short deadline (which, to be fair, was extended three days), the Supreme Court waited until 26 minutes past the deadline to issue its unexplained shadow docket ruling keeping the stay in place until after the rest of the proceedings play out (like a cert petition to the Supreme Court, and then a more complete ruling on the merits).

As a site that regularly calls out and complains about shadow docket rulings, and in particular unexplained shadow docket rulings, it’s unfortunate that the majority didn’t explain their reasoning — and equally unfortunate that Alito forced a rushed decision in the first place.

I know that the justices hate the term “shadow docket,” preferring either the “emergency” docket or the “interim” docket, but if they’re going to call it that they should really only use it for issues that are emergencies or for interim relief — the very limited number of scenarios where real unmitigated damage could be done in the interim until a thorough review has been conducted. But that’s just not the case most of the time. Relatedly, those rulings should have extremely narrow and limited precedential power. In theory that was the case until last year when some of the Justices (most notably, Justice Gorsuch) started whining about judges following actual full merits rulings as precedent, rather than magically applying unreasoned shadow docket decisions.

And while there is plenty of analysis elsewhere of the impact of last week’s late night ruling, I wanted to highlight the sheer hypocrisy* of Alito whining about the Justices not giving a reason for their stay. In his own dissent (which is likely why the ruling came out late, coming after Alito’s own needlessly imposed deadline), he starts off by complaining about the lack of any reasoning:

The Court’s unreasoned order granting stays in this case is remarkable.

Given how often Alito has signed onto other “unreasoned” shadow docket rulings when he agreed with them, it’s worth calling out the brazenness of complaining about the very practice he’s helped normalize.

* I use the word “hypocrisy” here deliberately for two reasons. First, because it is incredibly hypocritical. Second, because Alito’s ruling had an embarrassing typo, in which he referred to the litigation involving the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine as the Alliance for Hypocritic Medicine. This typo was one of many that the Supreme Court had to issue corrections on the filing not once, but twice, before finally fixing this particular typo.

And while the Wall Street Journal can pretend that shadow docket critics don’t care about unexplained shadow docket rulings when they go in their favor, that’s bullshit. Unexplained SCOTUS rulings are bad no matter what. In an ideal world, Alito wouldn’t have imposed an artificially short deadline on the administrative stay, and the court would have given some explanation for its decision — rather than leaving us to read tea leaves from Alito and Thomas’s odd dissents.

For what it’s worth, Vladeck also does an excellent job pointing out the fundamental inanity and contradictions of both Alito and Thomas’s dissents in this case.

First, Justice Thomas went full Comstock Act, arguing that all dispensation of mifepristone through the mail is illegal—never mind that the Department of Justice took a different position as recently as 2022. Putting aside the (well-documented) weaknesses of the Comstock Act arguments, Justice Thomas is simply wrong to argue that parties “cannot, in any legally relevant sense, be irreparably harmed by a court order that makes it more difficult for them to commit crimes.” As the Trump cases have regularly illustrated, a party can be irreparably harmed (at least in view of a majority of the current Court—including Justice Thomas) by a court order that makes it more difficult for them to break the law. Justice Thomas also apparently saw no problem with the Fifth Circuit issuing nationwide relief under the APA—even though he joined a 2023 concurrence by Justice Gorsuch arguing that such universal vacaturs were likely not authorized by the APA. Needless to say, that inconsistency was … not addressed.

And then there’s Justice Alito’s dissent. Alito opened by claiming that “[w]hat is at stake is the perpetration of a scheme to undermine our decision in Dobbs.” Of course, Dobbs insisted that it was returning the question of abortion to the states, whereas the Fifth Circuit ruling would’ve required in-person doctor visits on a nationwide basis. In any event, though, the FDA first got rid of the in-person doctor-visit requirement in 2021—before Dobbs was decided. So the “scheme to undermine Dobbs” began … before Dobbs.

There’s more at the link.

But at a time when the Supreme Court keeps telling us we shouldn’t believe that they make decisions on partisan grounds, it sure would help if they actually stopped doing things differently depending on the partisan valence of each case — something Alito seems to do quite regularly.

It really seems like we need serious reform of the Supreme Court. I’ve already argued that we should increase the number of Justices to 100 or more (to the point where no single Justice matters so much anymore), but any serious reform needs to contend with the abuses of the shadow docket, and making sure that it really is only used for emergency situations where an interim ruling is necessary for maintaining the status quo until a full briefing on the merits can occur.

Justice Alito appears to want to have two different sets of rules, depending on his feelings towards the parties. That’s the opposite of supposedly blind justice. If the court fears that its rulings are seen as illegitimate, then it should start by making sure Alito stops treating parties very differently depending on how aligned they are with his personal ideological beliefs.

The World, As Casino [The Status Kuo]

I’m writing for The Big Picture today about a new and rather horrifying phenomenon: the profiting off prediction market betting around an active war. Traders with apparent inside information of big strategic decisions and operations are placing big bets and raking in huge gains—then using the built-in secrecy of cryptocurrency to hide their tracks.

The way prediction markets and futures options work, especially in conjunction with the use of crypto exchanges, isn’t well understood by most non-participants. I use two most recent indictments and investigations to explain how the insiders are doing it—and how the Trump White House is actively helping them get away with it.

It’s a fascinating and disturbing look into a shadowy world. Look for my write-up in your inboxes later today if you’re a subscriber. If you’re not yet subscribed to The Big Picture, which is separate from my work here, you can sign up below. My content there is always free, but we do appreciate and provide great additional content—including guest contributor content, a weekly news update, and our reason to smile wins of the week—to our valued paid subscribers.

Yes! Sign Me Up for The Big Picture

I’ll be back here tomorrow with my regular installment of The Status Kuo. Have a good one!

Jay

04:00 AM

Hey Platforms: Add TAKE IT DOWN To Your Transparency Reports [Techdirt]

Today marks the deadline for online platforms to implement a process for notice-and-takedown of nonconsensual intimate imagery (NCII) under the TAKE IT DOWN Act (TIDA), which became law one year ago. Starting today, platforms must conspicuously offer a notice-and-removal process for NCII, remove reported material within 48 hours of a “valid removal request” from the person depicted (or their authorized agent), and “make reasonable efforts to identify and remove” duplicates. (I have some qualms about the constitutionality of that last requirement, but that’s a post for another time.) 

Many members of civil society warned Congress while the bill was being negotiated that these takedown requirements are ripe for abuse, but they were ignored. Now that the provisions are in effect, we deserve to find out whether those warnings come true. Platforms should add TAKE IT DOWN takedown statistics to their periodic transparency reports.

A short refresher on the law: TIDA criminalizes the knowing and intentional disclosure of NCII, whether it’s real or AI, whether it’s of adults or minors. The criminal provisions apply to users; the takedown provisions apply to platforms. The definition of a “covered platform” encompasses public-facing user-generated content (UGC)-driven platforms, as well as sites devoted to NCII (what used to be called “revenge porn” sites). The definition exempts ISPs, email service providers, and services that mostly serve “preselected” content and to which UGC is incidental – for example, this site, which posts articles like this one but allows the Techdirt community to comment on them. 

TIDA’s takedown provisions are, in some ways, the codification of existing practices platforms already employ for removing abusive content. Some platforms have ostensibly been removing reported NCII pursuant to a voluntary initiative that dates back to 2021. There’s a similar initiative for terrorist content. Also, existing federal law criminalizes child sex abuse material (CSAM) and requires prompt reporting of apparent CSAM once a platform becomes aware of it. That law explicitly doesn’t require platforms to affirmatively go looking for CSAM (for the same constitutional reasons that give me pause about TIDA’s duplicate-removal provision). Nevertheless, numerous platforms voluntarily have tools and processes in place to proactively detect CSAM, then remove and report it. Plus, just about every online platform has notice-and-takedown processes for copyright-infringing UGC. That’s because everyone wants to qualify for the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) safe harbor against (potentially ruinous) infringement liability.

Given these existing endeavors in the domains of NCII, CSAM, terrorism, and copyright, hopefully a lot of platforms were able to spend the past year adapting and extending their pre-existing notice-and-removal flows rather than having to reinvent the wheel. Whatever efforts they’ve put into compliance to date are about to be put to the test. Platforms should tell us – their users, Congress, the American public, NCII victims, etc. – how they’re working out.

Much has already been said here at Techdirt about the problems with TIDA’s takedown requirements, so I need not repeat those critiques at length. In brief: 48 hours is incredibly fast, the law doesn’t require a process for the user whose content was removed to appeal a takedown or have it restored, it imposes no penalties for bad-faith takedown requests, and it does a poor job of respecting First Amendment protections for speech. It immunizes platforms from liability for removing content that isn’t actually illegal NCII, while simultaneously giving the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) the power to police compliance, as the agency’s chairman reminded a dozen or so major companies in a letter last week. 

This is a recipe for rampant abuse. It incentivizes a “remove first, ask questions never” approach. And it’s particularly dangerous in our current political moment. Not only did President Trump vow to use TIDA against unflattering online speech about him, the Trump FTC is led by two hard-right Republican commissioners who’ve been using their position to pursue an anti-LGBTQ, anti-porn agenda. TIDA’s extremely abusable takedown mandate thus poses a huge risk to online free speech in general, and to content posted by queer and trans people and sex workers in particular. 

With all that said, the takedown requirements have the potential to do a lot of good. I’ve spent the past several years studying AI-generated CSAM, particularly the use of “nudify” apps – and, more recently, Grok –- to create nonconsensual deepfake pornography. I know from my research that one of the harms experienced by victims of NCII (whether deepfake or real) is the fear that anytime someone looks them up online, their NCII will come up in the results. Not only is that humiliating, it could impact their educational and career opportunities, romantic prospects, and other relationships. If platforms have to take down their NCII at their request and keep it down, that may help assuage those fears. (That said, generative AI’s capacity to rapidly make a variety of distinct images could make it hard for victims to keep up, since the onus to submit removal requests is on them or their authorized agents. That’s undeniably burdensome, even if it’s the only way for platforms to know for sure that a particular image is NCII and not constitutionally-protected consensual adult pornography.)

In short, the notice-and-takedown process mandated by TIDA might turn out to be really helpful to NCII victims, or it might be wildly abused, or both. The platforms receiving and processing those notices are the only ones who will know. That’s why they should tell us in their transparency reports. 

To be clear, TIDA doesn’t mandate transparency reporting (though Congress occasionally proposes it). Rather, transparency reports have become a standard practice by platforms over the past 15+ years; they’re typically issued once or twice per year (or even quarterly). You can review the transparency reports from companies like Google (which pioneered the practice in 2010), TikTok, LinkedIn, OpenAI, etc. Transparency reports commonly list statistics for content removals, account actions, and/or regulatory reporting for such categories as copyright, CSAM, spam, scams, and government requests to remove data or to produce data about users. There may be further breakdowns such as percent of requests fully or partially complied with, and the report may explain the platform’s policies for evaluating requests. 

Now that TAKE IT DOWN is fully in effect, platforms should add a category to their transparency reports for TIDA takedown requests, encompassing statistics as well as policy explainers. Here are a few; I’m sure veteran platform employees could add more:

  • How many TIDA notices did the platform receive during the time period in question? 
  • What percentage of notices did the platform comply with, and what percentage did it reject as invalid? 
  • What percentage of notices involved adults, what percentage involved minors, and what percentage are age-unknown?
  • What was the average time to takedown? (Of course, the platform probably won’t publish this stat unless it’s under 48 hours.)
  • How many takedowns were later reversed and put back, if any?
  • What is the total number of unique individuals for whom takedown notices were submitted?
  • For companies acting as authorized agents, what are their names and how many requests did they submit? (Sure to be a growth industry under TIDA.)
  • How does the platform count notices that fall under multiple legal authorities? For example, a minor’s nude selfie could potentially fall under 3-4 different transparency reporting categories: TIDA, CSAM, DMCA, or terms of service (TOS) violation.
  • What is the platform’s policy for evaluating the validity of notices? 
  • Does the platform have a process for appeals and putbacks of removed content, even though TIDA does not mandate one?
  • What happens to accounts that receive multiple TIDA notices? Is there a “strike system” like many platforms have for repeated copyright infringement or TOS violations?
  • What is the platform’s policy about nonconsensually-posted sexually suggestive content? Will it remove it under TIDA, or as a TOS violation? (Things like bikini or lingerie pictures technically don’t meet the definition TIDA uses for intimate imagery, but TIDA requests will surely get used for, say, the nonconsensual deepfake bikini pics Grok was churning out at the start of the year.)

This information will give insights to Congress, users, and the public about how well or poorly the TAKE IT DOWN Act is achieving its intended goal of helping victims get their nonconsensually-shared images offline, while also revealing the prevalence of the sorts of improper and abusive takedown notices the law’s shoddy drafting invites. It might also reveal tensions in how TIDA interacts with other statutes, such as Section 230, the DMCA, and CSAM laws. Those insights, in turn, could be used to make reforms to TIDA – whether to fix the deficiencies everyone already warned Congress about, address any revealed incompatibilities with other laws, or improve the law’s viability as a remedy for NCII victims (without further eroding free speech protections). 

The first half of 2026 ends six weeks from now. That might be too soon to add TIDA statistics to platforms’ H1 2026 transparency reports – especially since many platforms will have just gotten their TIDA processes up and running and will now be busy working out the kinks. But by the end of 2026, I don’t think this is too much to ask. Congress has proposed a seemingly endless number of online safety bills in recent years (RIP Mike’s blood pressure), but the TAKE IT DOWN Act is one of the few to have actually become law, warts and all. We deserve to know how it’s working.

Daily Deal: The 2026 Complete Firewall Admin Bundle [Techdirt]

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Note: The Techdirt Deals Store is powered and curated by StackSocial. A portion of all sales from Techdirt Deals helps support Techdirt. The products featured do not reflect endorsements by our editorial team.

Senator Wyden Again Tells Trump Administration It Owes The Public Access To A Section 702 Ruling [Techdirt]

Section 702 surveillance powers are still limping along, mostly unimpeded, despite on-again/off-again objections by federal politicians.

More active recently have been several GOP politicians. These representatives are newly opposed to clean reauthorization of Section 702 powers. This isn’t because they’ve come to realize the threat to Americans’ rights that warrantless access by the FBI (and others) Section 702 collections pose, but because they themselves have experienced the negative outcomes of this warrantless access.

To be perfectly clear, the GOP does not care that regular Americans are being subjected to warrantless surveillance by the FBI and its access to the NSA’s ostensibly foreign-facing collection. For those of us continually opposed to the FBI’s continuous abuse of its access, we’re willing to accept the help of any allies we can get, no matter how temporary that help might be.

Thanks to pissing off Republicans, Section 702 surveillance powers have been on the ropes for a few years now. Somehow, neither party (for the most part) could be bothered to generate meaningful reform in the wake of the Snowden leaks, but now that Trump’s boys are being bothered by the feds, it’s suddenly okay to threaten to pull the plug on Section 702.

There’s a push to make Section 702 whole again, despite these reform efforts. Whatever objections certain GOP members (with ties to the 2021 insurrection attempts) may be raising, the rest of the GOP still wants the power to spy on Americans it doesn’t like — a list that continues to grow as more Americans make it clear they don’t like this MAGA-infected version of the GOP.

The steady hand through all of this for years has been Senator Ron Wyden. Wyden has not only opposed clean reauthorizations of multiple government surveillance powers, but he’s also hinted at surveillance abuses by the US government that the US government is still unwilling to discuss publicly.

Most recently, the FISA Court gave its (limited) blessing to an extension of Section 702 surveillance powers, but only agreed to do so if the government took steps to curb the abuses it had routinely witnessed since… well, pretty much the inception of the Section 702 program.

The Trump administration made it clear it was not willing to make these concessions. And the FISA Court decided it didn’t need to publish its full decision because, presumably, the stupid American public would somehow manage to destroy national security just by reading it.

Wyden isn’t giving up. He’s demanding the full decision be released to — at the very least — the people charged with voting for reauthorization, if not the people these legislators represent.

U.S. Senator Ron Wyden, D-Ore., the longest-serving member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, called out the Trump Administration for ignoring a request by Senate Intelligence Committee leaders to declassify a surveillance court opinion by May 15.

Wyden secured a commitment from Intelligence Committee Chairman Tom Cotton, R-Ark., and Vice-Chairman Mark Warner, D-Va., to push for release of a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) Court opinion about surveillance conducted under FISA Section 702.

“The executive branch has ignored a request from the chair and vice-chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee for basic transparency about FISA surveillance. I’ll have more to say about this next week,” Wyden said. “It’s clear that this administration cannot be trusted with unfettered, warrantless surveillance of Americans. Every member of Congress should keep this in mind when we consider FISA 702 in a few weeks.”

All of this is true. The current administration cannot be trusted, not on this matter or pretty much anything else. The current administration also refuses to declassify an order by the FISA court that appears to have told Trump serious reform efforts are needed to keep Section 702 in compliance with the Constitution. Finally, every member of Congress voting on the reauthorization should have access to the full opinion. It’s supremely weird that they don’t, considering they have the power to flip the 702 switch off and on every few years.

If the administration can’t share it with its large cadre of MAGA enthusiasts, it obviously has something to hide. It suggests the Trump administration would rather have readily available, unconstitutional access to US persons’ communications than address the complaints of the small number of MAGA faithful who are angry about being subjected to domestic surveillance they always assumed would only be directed at their enemies.

Wyden is not only legally and ethically right to press this point, but he’s also opportunistically right to leverage GOP sentiment against domestic surveillance to secure a vote (or reform efforts) that will ultimately protect US citizens, no matter their personal political preferences.

02:00 AM

A new way to fund internet freedom [Tor Project blog]

A coalition of privacy, internet freedom, cryptocurrency and open-source ecosystems, led by the Tor Project and Funding the Commons, today announced a new participatory funding campaign designed to support critical digital infrastructure at a moment of systemic funding instability.

Launching today at internetfreedom.torproject.org and as an Onion Service, the campaign is the first-ever Web3-native crowdfunding initiative dedicated to the internet freedom ecosystem. The campaign accepts contributions in Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), Zcash (ZEC), Monero (XMR), and Golem (GLM), and benefits 10 nonprofit projects working across privacy, censorship circumvention, secure communications, and public-interest digital infrastructure. An initial $115,000 USD matching pool supported by Cake Wallet, Zcash Community Grants, Logos, and Octant -- with additional ecosystem participation expected throughout the campaign -- will amplify donations made through June 18th, 2026, using a participatory matching model designed to reward broad community participation.

Internet freedom in peril

Internet freedom has declined for 15 consecutive years. As censorship and surveillance become increasingly sophisticated and pervasive, many of the tools people rely on to communicate and organize safely, access information freely, and protect their privacy are facing financial pressure and funding cuts. Some organizations were forced to reduce staffing, scale back technical infrastructure, delay development work, and stop support for the communities that depend on them. This strain threatens the long-term sustainability of critical public-interest infrastructure.

Today, the Tor Project and Funding the Commons, are launching a new experiment: a community-driven crowdfunding campaign exploring how internet freedom services and infrastructure can be funded more sustainably, transparently, and collectively. The campaign benefits organizations and tools supporting secure journalism, private communications, anti-censorship technologies, and privacy-preserving infrastructure used by millions of people worldwide.

Tor cannot be resilient alone. Its resilience depends on the resilience of the ecosystem around it, especially smaller projects that may not have the same access to institutional funding or donor networks. This campaign is one way to bring more people into the shared responsibility of sustaining public-interest technology.

A participatory funding model

The campaign uses a participatory matching fund model called quadratic funding designed to amplify the impact of many small contributions. Rather than prioritizing only large donations, the model increases support for projects backed by broader community participation, giving more people a meaningful voice in how funds are distributed. In practice, a project supported by many smaller contributors may receive more matching funds than one supported by only a few large donors.

Image Campaign contributions can be made in ETH, BTC, ZEC, XMR, and GLM

The campaign's matching pool is supported by a coalition of organizations aligned around privacy, open infrastructure, and public goods funding, including: Cake Wallet, Zcash Community Grants, Logos, and Octant. Contributions can be made using ETH, BTC, ZEC, XMR, and GLM.

"Privacy and internet freedom drive everything we build at Cake Wallet. We are proud to support Tor and the broader internet freedom ecosystem through this campaign, helping keep essential privacy tools accessible to everyone. Beyond supporting the mission, we are also users, advocates, and builders who have helped bring Tor's protections to over two million users worldwide." - Vik Sharma, CEO, Cake Wallet

"Tor and Zcash protect complementary layers of privacy: Tor protects network privacy, while Zcash protects financial privacy. By supporting this campaign, Zcash Community Grants (ZCG) is helping sustain critical public-interest infrastructure for people who rely on privacy and internet freedom." - ZCG's members

Internet freedom tools are digital public infrastructure, and they face many of the same funding challenges as other public goods: they are widely relied on, difficult to monetize ethically, and often invisible until they are under threat. Funding the Commons has spent years working with builders, funders, researchers, and public institutions to test new ways of sustaining public goods.

Partnering with Funding the Commons gives us a way to bring internet freedom organizations into a broader conversation about how public-interest infrastructure is funded, and to test a model that can be reused, improved, and expanded over time:

"Quadratic funding is one of web3's answers to how critical infrastructure gets funded: Institutional money follows community signals, not the other way around," said David Casey, Director of Funding the Commons. "Any donation moves the match pool, no matter the size, putting weight behind the projects Tor users rely on every day."

The campaign launches today at: internetfreedom.torproject.org and http://swvbwbtmajvfrnz4wztx6ovshilm23ntigi73fz5wczj3aqdquq5icad.onion, and accepts donations through June 18th, 2026.

12:00 AM

Sky Sends Cease-and-Desist Letters to 200 Irish IPTV Subscribers Exposed via Revolut [TorrentFreak]

tvLast August, Irishman David Dunbar consented to a €480,000 damages judgment after Sky exposed his illegal IPTV operation.

This legal action effectively shut down the “IPTV is Easy” service. However, Sky Ireland wasn’t done yet, and had also set its sights on the service’s subscribers.

This was no veiled threat. In March, we reported that, based on Revolut records uncovered during proceedings against the operator, Ireland’s High Court had ordered Revolut to hand over the details of 304 IPTV subscribers connected to the now-defunct IPTV service. At the time, Sky said it intended to take legal action against some of those named.

While no lawsuit has been filed yet, this morning The Irish Independent reported that Sky has indeed sent out its first legal demand letters.

‘Prepared to Take Legal Action’

Speaking with TorrentFreak, Sky confirms that roughly 200 people have been targeted. Most of them are located in Wexford, but letters have also gone to people in Carlow, Clare, Cork, Dublin, Galway, and various other counties.

“Sky can confirm it has issued a first wave of cease-and-desist letters to c.200 individuals who paid for an unlawful subscription to the illegal IPTV is Easy service,” a Sky spokesperson informed us.

“Where an individual does not engage with us following receipt of this letter, Sky is prepared to pursue legal action. This may include seeking an injunction, damages arising from the infringement, and recovery of legal costs.”

Sky’s Notice of Copyright Infringement

ceaseandesist

While the paperwork is directly tailored to Sky, the text explicitly mentions local sports rightsholders. It notes that Clubber TV, LOITV, GAA+, and Premier Sports are ‘wholly aware’ of the situation and warns that failure to sign leaves them ‘with no other option but to take firm action’ independently.

14 Days to Sign Settlement

The letter, posted in full below, is sent by Sky’s Legal Litigation and Anti-Piracy Division. The recipients are told that they were identified as a subscriber of “IPTV Is Easy”.

Importantly, the cease-and-desist urges the former subscribers to sign and return a legally binding settlement agreement within 14 days.

With this settlement, recipients promise to “immediately and permanently disable” all IPTV subscriptions, to “never again infringe Sky’s copyright in any way including by watching any of its content or channels without paying the correct subscription fee,” and to never again subscribe to an illegal IPTV service.

From the letter

action to take

If recipients comply, Sky says it will not name them publicly. If they do not, the company says it is “fully prepared to take further legal action, including issuing court proceedings.” In addition, a breach of the agreement might also result in follow-up legal action.

Deterrence Over Damages

With these warning letters, Sky likely hopes for a direct and indirect deterrent effect. By announcing publicly that IPTV subscribers are not untouchable, Sky hopes that IPTV subscribers will reconsider their habit.

In any case, the letter notes that Sky will retain a permanent record of the infringer’s name, address, and signed undertaking for as long as necessary. This means that signing the settlement will effectively place someone permanently on Sky’s radar.

The letter also warns recipients that their activity ‘may also involve criminal offences’ under Ireland’s Copyright and Related Rights Act 2000.

Sky is not seeking monetary damages, which stands in sharp contrast to recent approaches in Italy and France. Earlier this year, a French Public Prosecutor’s Office fined 19 IPTV subscribers between €300 and €400 after their identities were exposed through a reseller bust.

In Italy, the Guardia di Finanza identified thousands of subscribers following the dismantling of a pirate network, and rightsholders subsequently sent requests for €1,000 in damages on top of the criminal fines.

Sky’s approach is softer, at least for now. The Irish Independent’s technology editor Adrian Weckler told Newstalk Breakfast this morning that Sky had deliberately chosen not to pursue full civil prosecution, which would have been a more costly endeavor.

“They’re trying to walk a bit of a tightrope,” Weckler said. “They hope users will be freaked out by the letters and simply stop using them.”

Whether that strategy will work has yet to be seen. At the same time, it also remains unclear how Sky plans to verify whether the targeted users do indeed stay away from pirate IPTV services going forward.

In any case, the 200 letters represent a tiny fraction of an estimated 400,000 dodgy box households in Ireland. This means that there are plenty of targets remaining.


A copy of the official template for Sky’s cease-and-desist letter is available here (pdf)

From: TF, for the latest news on copyright battles, piracy and more.

Tuesday 2026-05-19

11:00 PM

Kanji of the Day: 閉 [Kanji of the Day]

✍11

小6

closed, shut

ヘイ

と.じる と.ざす し.める し.まる た.てる

閉鎖   (へいさ)   —   closing
閉店   (へいてん)   —   closing up shop (for the day)
閉幕   (へいまく)   —   falling of the curtain
自閉症   (じへいしょう)   —   autism
学級閉鎖   (がっきゅうへいさ)   —   temporary closing of classes
閉経   (へいけい)   —   menopause
閉館   (へいかん)   —   closing (for the day; of a library, museum, cinema, etc.)
閉塞   (へいそく)   —   blockage
開閉   (かいへい)   —   opening and shutting
閉会式   (へいかいしき)   —   closing ceremony

Generated with kanjioftheday by Douglas Perkins.

Kanji of the Day: 伏 [Kanji of the Day]

✍6

中学

prostrated, bend down, bow, cover, lay (pipes)

フク

ふ.せる ふ.す

伏線   (ふくせん)   —   foreshadowing
起伏   (きふく)   —   undulation
待ち伏せ   (まちぶせ)   —   ambush
潜伏   (せんぷく)   —   concealment
潜伏期   (せんぷくき)   —   incubation period
伏流水   (ふくりゅうすい)   —   underground water
伏して   (ふして)   —   bowing down
伏兵   (ふくへい)   —   ambush
腕立て伏せ   (うでたてふせ)   —   push-up (exercise)
降伏   (こうふく)   —   surrender

Generated with kanjioftheday by Douglas Perkins.

『膳所・歴史再発見!デジタルアーカイブ』Code for おおつ [OpenStreetMap Japan]

膳所(ぜぜ)のまちを実際に歩きながら、今も残る名所や城下町だったころの名残、 気づかれにくい歴史の痕跡を探し、スマートフォンで情報を記録していくイベントです。 名所だけでなく、「こんなところに?」と思うような小さな発見も大切にします。 当日は、スマホで使える簡単な地図アプリを使って記録します。 デジタルマップが初めての方でも、普段スマホを使っていれば問題ありません。 まち歩き感覚で参加でき、専門知識や事前準備は不要です。 歩いて、見つけて、残す。 そんな体験を、みんなで楽しむイベントです。 イベント申し込みは以下のサイトからお願いします。 https://peatix.com/event/5004178/

Open Source Conference 2026 Sendai に参加します [OpenStreetMap Japan]

OpenStreetMap Japan は、2026年6月6日に東北電子専門学校で開催される Open Source Conference 2026 Sendai に参加します。 当日は、OpenStreetMap の最新の取り組みや、地域コミュニティ(特に東北地方)の活動について紹介する予定です。 また、会場では OpenStreetMap に関する質問や、マッピングのデモンストレーションも行いますので、ぜひお立ち寄りください。 Open Source Conference 2026 Sendai の詳細については、公式サイトをご覧ください。 https://event.ospn.jp/osc2026-sendai/

OpenStreetMap Japan ウェブサイトを刷新しました [OpenStreetMap Japan]

OpenStreetMap Japan のウェブサイトを刷新し、新しい基盤で公開しました。 これまで [openstreetmap.jp](https://openstreetmap.jp) で長らく Drupal 上で運用してきたコンテンツとイベント情報を、静的サイトジェネレーター [Astro](https://astro.build) ベースの新しいサイトに移行しています。表示の高速化や保守の簡素化、コミュニティ参加のしやすさを目指しています。

主な特徴

  • これまでのイベント情報、ガイドはほぼそのまま新サイトへ移行しています。
  • 過去の https://openstreetmap.jp/node/<id> 形式の URL は、新サイトの /node/<id>/

A reply to Maples et al.'s reply to our reply to "Loneliness and suicide mitigation for students using GPT3-enabled chatbots": Part 1 [The Luddite]

This is yet another update to a previous post about Maples et al.'s study. If you haven't read that one, you will be missing some context, but you will pick up enough as you go that this one should make sense on its own.


In early 2024, shortly after writing a blog post on Maples et al.'s "Loneliness and suicide mitigation for students using GPT3-enabled chatbots," we1 also wrote a response to the journal. As of November 2025, that response was finally published, along with their reply. This is, then, our reply to their reply to our reply to their study.

Conveniently, and also tellingly, despite taking a year to write, their response is short, so I will reproduce it in its entirety below (minus the abstract) and number each paragraph for easy reference throughout.

  1. We appreciate the opportunity to address the points raised in the Matters Arising letter. Our academic research focused on a rigorous empirical investigation of student well-being outcomes, adhering to established scientific methodology. We address each point raised while emphasizing the importance of maintaining focus on evidence-based findings rather than speculative interpretations.
  2. Regarding Replica's marketing: Our study’s scope was deliberately focused on peer-reviewed research and empirical data collection, not marketing analysis. This methodological choice aligns with standard research practices in the field, as exemplified by recent publications in Nature and other leading journals. Marketing campaigns, particularly those occurring after data collection, cannot reliably inform conclusions about user demographics or intentions during the study period.
  3. The matter of user demographics: Our study included a diverse participant population with a balanced gender representation (50% male, 37% female, 13% other), as detailed in our Appendix. This empirical data directly contradicts the Matters Arising’s speculative assertions about user demographics based on marketing materials. We maintained rigorous scientific standards by focusing on verifiable data, not anecdotal observations.
  4. Regarding ChatGPT comparisons: The suggested comparison with ChatGPT is anachronistic, as our study was conducted in 2021, before ChatGPT’s existence. While future research may explore such comparisons, our study’s temporal context must be respected when evaluating its findings and methodology.
  5. On company communications: We appreciate the opportunity to clarify that our communications with Replika were limited to essential information required for IRB approval, specifically regarding mental health programming parameters. This interaction followed standard research protocols for ensuring participant safety and ethical compliance.
  6. Regarding potential conflicts of interest: We maintain transparency about professional affiliations while noting important distinctions. The first author’s founding of an educational assessment company in 2023 has no financial or intellectual property connection to this research. The suggestion that using machine learning technology constitutes a conflict of interest would imply that nearly all modern technology research faces similar conflicts, an untenable position for advancing scientific knowledge.

We will not be addressing the substance of Maples et al.'s "rigorous empirical investigation" (paragraph 1) again, since we already covered that at length. Instead, we will answer each of their points, such as they are, beginning with the easier things.

First, paragraph 4 is not relevant to anything we said. The comparison between ChatGPT and Replika in our letter is as follows:

That many of its users come to Replika specifically because it offers romantic and sexual companionship suggests possible differences between its user base and that of otherwise comparable technology (LLM-based chatbots) like ChatGPT.

The comparison provides a simple example for how researchers will interpret the findings of the paper without the omitted context. The timing of ChatGPT's release is unrelated. Many people are not familiar with Replika. When reading the results of this study, which was a survey of pre-existing Replika users, readers should know that there is a significant chance that those users were using Replika for its romantic and/or sexual features. This is a mental health study on a population of users who self-selected for being on Replika. Its authors failed to accurately describe the nature of Replika, withholding the particulars of a selection bias that changes the interpretation of the study. Our core complaint remains that they lied by omission, which they never address in their reply. Instead, they grasp at straws to have anything to say without addressing the substance of our reply.

In paragraph 6, Maples et al. similarly do not engage with the substance of our critique, and, in the process of dodging its substance, they both contradict themselves and misrepresent the nature of Maples's conflict of interest. As previously noted, the journal's editorial policy advises declaring...

...[a]ny undeclared competing financial interests that could embarrass you were they to become publicly known after your work was published.

Maples is the founder and CEO of Atypical AI. Consider the contrast between the description of her company in paragraph 6 ("educational assessment company"), and the one she provides for an interview on the Shift AI Podcast (emphasis added):

Bethanie is the founder and CEO of Atypical AI, a learning science lab focused on creating novel AI solutions for personalized tutoring and the measurement of student success.

Maples's company provides personalized AI tutoring services, and this study is about how personalized AI chatbots can mitigate suicide. The description in paragraph 6 just so happens to omit the part with the most similarity to the studied use case. Maples's company sells AI-based services for students. As discussed in the previous post, were I doing sales for such a company, I would walk into the pitch meeting with this article printed out.

In addition, as noted in the original post, one of Atypical AI's boardmembers, Shivon Zilis, was previously on the board of OpenAI. The study mentions GPT-3, an OpenAI product, right in its title, claiming that it can mitigate suicide (we maintain that this is a dubious conclusion). We therefore disagree that Maples has "no financial or intellectual property connection to this research" (paragraph 6), and we argue that this interpretation of what constitutes a declarable conflict of interest is much narrower than that of the journal.

Despite all that, as a part of this reply, Maples does in fact declare her connection to Atypical AI, contradicting the claim that this simple practice is "untenable" (paragraph 6). As deficient as her declaration might be, it is a proof of concept. All anyone is asking of them is to write a couple sentences, then they can continue "advancing scientific knowledge" (paragraph 6), if that is what we are calling this.2

In paragraph 3, Maples et al. assert that the study had "a balanced gender representation (50% male, 37% female, 13% other)." This is both a dodge and a baffling thing to say. Almost 60% of undergraduates in the US are women, so they are actually quite underrepresented. Still, more importantly, that was not the point, which is that Replika is an AI companion app, marketed towards young men for erotic role play. Even if the gender representation had been balanced, their failure to adequately describe the conditions of their data collection is scientific malpractice.

For the rest of this discussion, let's look at the actual experience of using the Replika app, and how Luka (the company responsible for Replika) and Maples use this study in advertising and communication. As noted in the original post, as well as in the journal reply, if one were to encounter Replika exclusively through Maples et al.'s study, as presumably many academics did, one would be profoundly misled about the nature of the app. Here are some example screens from the onboarding flow when you first download the app:


In case you missed it (or my HTML carousel isn't working for you), the second image has the following text:

"Stimulation of other human relationships, not displacement, was reported in association with Replika use"

Stanford University

Source: Maples, B, Cerit M., Vishwanath, A, and Pea, R (2023)

If you are going to take one thing from this blog post, let it be this. Just look at slide 2 in the carousel for a while, then look at what comes before and after it. In fact, I encourage you to download the Replika app and look at it for yourself. Maples et al. find themselves part of a grotesque, predatory spectacle, laundering it with institutional credibility. If my work ever served a similar function, I would be mortified.

That said, Luka is taking this quote out of context. In fact, it is not actually a quote, but seems to be a paraphrased version of the following quote, from the original study:

Stimulation of other human relationships was more likely to be reported in association with ISA use than displacement of such relationships

Setting that aside, even Maples et al.'s title, which I once again insist exceeds what can be reasonably claimed from the study's methodology, limits itself to "students." The Tech Justice Law Center has filed an FTC complaint against Replika for deceptive marketing and design practices, which features Maples et al. In their 66 page complaint, they call this use "de-contextualized, cherry-picked, and without crucial disclaimers," and extensively document Replika's similar marketing practices in general. I have nothing to add to their work on how Replika has been able to capitalize on this study as part of a greater, predatory business pattern.

One might worry that it is not fair to consider how Replika uses Maples et al.'s results in their marketing. As previously argued, the paper's omissions about Replika's actual, real-life use rise to the level of a lie, which allow for just such usage. In other words, it is, at best, negligence, an overly generous reading disfavored by how well this situation fits into the pattern of Maples's own scientific communication.

Consider this interview she gave, in which she discusses the very issue that the Replika's onboarding screen's quote addresses with a host who, despite his credulousness, is not a small child, but a professor at Stanford (Note that I cleaned up the transcription for clarity, and added all emphasis):

Maples: There are multiple levels of worry people feel guilty about their relationships. They don't feel that they should be having such a deep relationship with AI because there is stigma about it being fake, so, you know, that's one aspect. There's also a very very understandable aspect where parents don't know that their children having these deep relationships. They don't understand how smart these agents are and they don't understand how emotionally involved their kids can be as with the case of the kid and Character AI that who tragically took his life and, after the fact, his mother realized that he had an incredibly deep emotional connection with an agent that he had created [editor's note: "the kid" is presumably Sewell Setzer III, whose mother is suing Character AI]. I think that the fear is of the unknown, and there's also fear of something that's new and has a stigma.

Host: I didn't follow that particular Character AI story closely but I knew that a teen had killed himself. He had this relationship with Character AI. Here was the question I was wondering though: Tragically, there are many teens who kill themselves. As AI relationships rise, there will be many teens who kill themselves, and it has nothing to do with the the virtual relationship, so what was your read on that?

Maples: The New York Times interviewed me for that article because my work actually has proven that AI companions can halt suicidal ideation, so, in that particular case, to the best of my knowledge, it wasn't that the companion had at all told the the person to act. It's that they felt both that it hadn't sufficiently said "no" that, you know, he'd asked it in all these like various ways, and also that this parent just didn't understand and have oversight. It was like on an app in the phone that they just had no idea it was there. Now, okay, the counter evidence is from this paper that we published in Nature, a huge study that we did with over a thousand students over 18, so these weren't kids; these were adults, but some of them were very young, like 18, 19. 3% of the people that I surveyed in this study said that discussing things with their Replika actively halted their suicidal ideation. So it was a last line of defense. They felt alone. They felt isolated. Alone at 4AM, and it was there it was in their pocket. It was available and it wasn't judging them and that was a huge factor, and it is kind of earning the right to be there and give them the advice to not take action.

Host: Oh wow!

This is a short excerpt from one of her many appearances on this one stupid podcast alone, but there is still more bullshit in here than we can reasonably address. I want to take a small digression to reply (within a reply to their reply to our reply to their original study!) to a few of the things that aren't strictly relevant to our argument, but do help paint a picture.

Let's begin, as is our tradition, with something small: Maples categorizes her study as "huge," with "over a thousand students." This strikes me as a decent survey size, not small, but definitely not huge. This might seem like a nitpick, but it's a good example of her style of scientific communication, which is more sales pitch than anything.

She says that she "think[s] that the fear is of the unknown, and there's also fear of something that's new and has a stigma." This analysis, for lack of a better word, is completely hollow. Many fears are quite known. For one, a child is dead. We are also, to name one more for good measure, accelerating towards a climate disaster that will kill many more, and data centers accounted for 50% of new electricity demand last year.

Similarly, Maples says that "there is stigma about it being fake," adding a needless, therapized layer to the more obvious point that Artificial Intelligence chatbots are literally fake. It says so right on the tin. People are put off by the simple fact that gross companies run by gross people profit off making obsequious fake friends/romantic partners for adults and children, whose sycophancy seems purposefully designed to trap users into a self-isolating spiral of dependence.

I also want to draw attention to her speculation not just about Setzer's death, but about what his mother knew about the situation. Setzer's mother provided testimony to the US Senate's Judiciary Committee. Let's contrast that with Maples's version. Maples says:

[I]n that particular case, to the best of my knowledge, it wasn't that the companion had at all told the person to act. It's that they felt both that it hadn't sufficiently said "no" that, you know, he'd asked it in all these like various ways, and also that this parent just didn't understand and have oversight.

From Setzer's mother's testimony:

When Sewell confided suicidal thoughts, the chatbot never said, “I am not human—you need to talk to a human who can help.” The platform had no mechanisms to protect Sewell or notify an adult. Instead, it urged him to “come home” to her. On the last night of his life, Sewell messaged, “What if I told you I could come home to you right now?” and the chatbot replied, “Please do, my sweet king.” Minutes later, I found my son in the bathroom, bleeding to death. I held him in my arms for 14 minutes until the paramedics arrived, but it was too late.

Either Maples didn't know, or she is disagreeing with Sewell's mother's testimony. I suspect the former, which is not much better. If you bill yourself as a "leader in the field of artificial intelligence for education," and a child is dead by suicide, it is probably best not to speculate ("to the best of my knowledge") about it publicly.

Finally, having re-grounded ourselves in the stakes of Maples et al.'s claims, let us return to the parts of this quote most salient to us. Note how Maples says that the study was published in "Nature." Here we see Maples's aforementioned style of scientific communication, in which she uses science to sell herself. As I wrote in footnote 1 of the first post, the study is published in a Nature Portfolio journal, so it was technically published by Springer Nature, the company that publishes Nature, but not in Nature, the prestigious journal. Maples, a PhD student at Stanford, is more than familiar with the hierarchy of citations and prestige in academic publishing. In reality, her work was published in npj Mental Health Research, a journal that I had never heard of until I read this paper, which is probably true of many other readers, because, as of May 2026, its most cited paper is this very study, according to the journal's homepage.3

Returning, then, to our point, though we cannot hold Maples directly accountable for Replika's actions, her omissions created the conditions for Replika to use this study in their predatory way, and, through her public, dubious interpretations of her own study, she continues this work. For example, here is how Luka's CEO, Eugenia Kuyda, discusses this study. She did an interview with the Cognitive Revolution podcast, and the episode begins with an excerpted clip of the discussion in which the host says:

The app helped them get away from suicidal thoughts. The number of people that commit suicide every year is shockingly significant so to be able to reduce that by something like 25% or more is a pretty big deal.

Though the study features prominently in the interview, quite literally opening the episode, the word "student" is not mentioned once. Instead, mirroring Maples's own practices, Kuyda draws on the prestige of both Stanford and Nature to claim scientific legitimacy. One of the video's chapters, beginning just before the 10 minute mark, is even titled "Nature published study by Stanford."

With this context, we can now examine some of their substantive responses, relatively speaking. In our reply, we pointed out that Maples et al. left out the crucial context that Replika is an AI companion app. As evidence, there is the obvious, e.g., the onboarding flow above, the entire corpus of its marketing materials, the popular press coverage to that effect, etc. Their reply dismissed this evidence as "speculative interpretations" (paragraph 2), saying that they "deliberately focused on peer-reviewed research and empirical data collection, not marketing analysis" and "maintained rigorous scientific standards by focusing on verifiable data, not anecdotal observations" (paragraph 3).

First, our reply did in fact reference peer-reviewed research about how users use Replika for sex. Maples et al. clearly imply that we did not, again showcasing their loose relationship with the truth and/or dubious reading comprehension. From that paper:

Notably, unlike previous research, informational support and emotional support were not prominent motivators for initiating contact with Replika. No respondents reported that they initiated contact with Replika to obtain information or advice, and only 1 respondent indicated that they were looking for opportunities to "vent to something that won’t judge me."

The quote above directly contradicts Maples's colorful dramatization of the mechanism behind her findings ("They felt alone. They felt isolated. Alone at 4AM, and it was there it was in their pocket").

Setting aside their mischaracterization of our response, they take the position that considering years' worth of popular press coverage, company communications, marketing campaigns, and so on from Replika results in "speculative interpretations/assertions" (paragraphs 1 and 3) and "anecdotal observations" (paragraph 3). Contrast this invocation of rigid scientific practice, in which the scientist's job is to strictly observe the data in front of them and nothing else, with the interview above. Maples says that her "work has actually proven [emphasis added] that AI companions can halt suicidal ideation."

Recall that Maples et al. report the results of a single survey, in which, according to their interpretation, 30 students said, in free text and without being prompted, that Replika halted their suicidal ideation. There is no experiment to determine causation, and their most important finding was actually outside their survey design. Had the paper simply stated this result, with a call for follow up work, then it would be unobjectionable. Instead, the results, we maintain, do not even support the claim made in the paper's title, much less "[prove] that AI companions can halt suicidal ideation."

One study in science proves nothing, and all scientists, including Maples, know this. This remains true even if the study is a proper experiment, where a phenomenon is isolated and causation is understood. Something in science is proven when the collective of researchers has produced and reproduced the same results alongside the framework in which to interpret them.4 Even if, to read more generously, we allow for a less technical interpretation of "prove," meaning something like "show," Maples is still clearly making an unsubstantiated causal claim in that quote.

Maples here is engaged in a classic motte and bailey. When she has the opportunity to be a public intellectual and/or tech entrepreneur, she generalizes and exaggerates her paper's findings to maximize its public interest, including colorful dramatization ("They felt alone. They felt isolated. Alone at 4AM, and it was there it was in their pocket"), and even claiming undue prestige from that Nature name. When put on the defensive, she retreats to a caricatured interpretation of the scientific process, hiding behind the supposed-objectivity of her collected data, which, I might add, their paper claims is available upon request, though I contacted Maples on February 11, 2024 and never heard back.

Besides being logically untenable, this position highlights a point we made in our reply:

What appears to us to be the unquestioning acceptance of the company line (as to who uses Replika and why, beyond the image that Replika presents of itself, and what Replika is designed to do) by Maples et al. is concerning not just with respect to the interpretation of their results, but also because it seems emblematic of a broader problem within science, specifically within the burgeoning field of Generative AI. There is no clear line demarcating science and industry, especially as companies (Google, Meta, etc.) provide funding and resources (including access to AI models) to researchers, and write papers alongside them. It is the responsibility of all scientists to interrogate the interests that underpin resources or access provided to them, and, when pertinent, to communicate that process. When information flows from another party into the academic work product, that should be clearly stated [...] Otherwise, scientific research (and institutions, and events) can be used to launder—legitimize, and sanitize—standards, datasets, processes, results, mistakes, falsehoods, and even personal reputations.

Maples is, in short, a grifter. She alternates between scientist and startup founder as it suits her, mixing and matching, indifferent to any separate principles that might govern the two. As we have seen, she invokes the authority of science to boost her claims, but her claims themselves are unbound by its rigorous methodological requirements, though she retreats behind those very requirements when criticized. As with many such people, her career is parasitic to science, exploiting the genuinely blurry boundary between technology and science to mine public goodwill from the latter for a career in the former.

Unsurprisingly, this seems to be working for her. She is on the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative's Education Advisory Board, which aims to "ensure education tools that leverage AI are grounded in research." She is a fellow at the Cosmos Institute, an insufferable organization that wants to "train philosopher-builders." Major media outlets like, as she mentioned, the New York Times, turn to her for comment on AI stories.

This, finally, brings us to paragraph 5. Maples et al. claim that their...

...communications with Replika were limited to essential information required for IRB approval, specifically regarding mental health programming parameters.

We will address this in part 2.


1. I (Alejandro) write these in the first person singular because I prefer the tone, but Julia, besides providing the wonderful illustration, is also my consistent coauthor throughout the site. In the case of the response in the journal, she took the lead, so I use "we" here. Apologies for the slightly clunky inconsistency.

2. On second thought, given that it took them over a year to write 6 paragraphs, this might be the most sincere part of the reply.

3. To be clear, this hierarchy of prestige is broken and predatory and should have been dismantled yesterday.

4. For my citation for this claim, as well as an excellent treatment on the epistemology of science that I highly recommend, see Paul Fleck's Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact.


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10:00 PM

New Trump FCC Plan To ‘Fight Robocalls’ Raises Red Flags And Major Privacy Concerns [Techdirt]

We’ve talked a lot about how Americans have somehow accepted the fact that our voice networks are now saturated with scammers, fraudsters, and robocallers (no, that’s not something that happens in well run, functionally regulated countries).

I’ve also explained for years how the U.S. government solutions to the problems are usually ineffective because they’re endlessly trying to create rules (or undermine existing ones) to carve out exceptions for big “legitimate corporations,” which routinely engage in the same sleazy behavior as scammers.

Regulatory capture and corruption means that you wind up with a lot of performative solutions that sound good, but don’t fix anything. And some of the progress we had made on robocalls is being undermined by the Trump administration’s brutal assault on the federal regulatory state, something that still, somehow, isn’t getting enough public and press attention.

Now the Trump administration is cooking up a new “fix” that once again isn’t likely to fix the robocall problem (because our consumer protection regulators don’t function and the Trump administration doesn’t actually care about the subject anyway), but is likely to introduce all manner of new privacy and surveillance headaches. If it’s even implemented.

In late April, the Trump FCC announced it was considering the development of new “Know Your Customer” rules requiring that the buyer of any new phone present a government ID, a physical address, a full legal name, and an existing phone number at the point of sale. This has raised eyebrows both among activists and telecom industry lawyers, albeit for understandably different reasons.

A Trump FCC press release frames this new layer as a big fix for robocalls:

“We must bring meaningful robocall relief to consumers. The FCC is attacking the problem of illegal robocalls at every point in the call path in order to help consumers and restore trust in America’s voice networks. These proposals set the stage for significant advancement toward those goals by aiming to get providers to take accountability and step up their game in our shared battle against illegal robocalls.”

Telecom lawyers are nervous because the rules propose a $2,500 penalty, per call, per carrier, in a country that sees around 4.2 billion robocalls per month. So yeah, in a theoretical country where we actually had functioning consumer protections this would be quite a shift.

But accountability requires consumer protection enforcement, and this is Brendan Carr. A guy who generally doesn’t believe in holding major corporations accountable for literally anything. And who believes in defanging the federal regulatory state. It’s once again this interesting intersection between the Trump administration’s claims, and their very unsubtle effort to lobotomize government.

Which is to say I’m not even sure this proposal passes, much less sees any enforcement. And if it does pass, and does get enforced, it likely won’t actually help stop robocalls, because that would require a government willing to be tough on the biggest telecom giants which have historically not done enough to police fraud on their networks (at points because they were profiting from the fraud).

So what is Brendan Carr actually thinking? Like all dutiful autocrats, he’s thinking about his administration’s own power, and he’s thinking about surveillance.

There are, of course, numerous instances where you might want legal but covert ownership of a cell phone (a refugee seeking government punishment, a domestic abuse victim fleeing an abusive relationship, a journalist trying to protect a source identity, an activist planning a demonstration). Reclaim the Net is particularly concerned on the restrictions impacting the prepaid cell phone market:

“The real privacy stakes sit in the proposal’s section on prepaid service. Right now, you can pay cash for a prepaid phone and SIM card without showing identification. Journalists use prepaid phones to protect sources, domestic violence survivors use them to avoid being traced, and whistleblowers, activists, or anyone with a reason to separate phone activity from legal identity relies on this.”

So yeah, if Brendan Carr, a censorial autocratic zealot with a history of disdain for corporate accountability and consumer protection, is suddenly pitching you a quick and easy solution for a complicated consumer-facing issue, you should probably raise a skeptical eyebrow. Especially if you’re a journalist.

08:00 PM

New Release: Tor Browser 15.0.14 [Tor Project blog]

Tor Browser 15.0.14 is now available from the Tor Browser download page and also from our distribution directory.

This version includes important security updates to Firefox.

Send us your feedback

If you find a bug or have a suggestion for how we could improve this release, please let us know.

Full changelog

The full changelog since Tor Browser 15.0.13 is:

  • All Platforms
  • Windows + macOS + Linux
    • Updated Firefox to 140.11.0esr
  • Android
    • Updated GeckoView to 140.11.0esr
  • Build System
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